By Thomas James
Ya Libnan Volunteer
Prior to this month, anyone
arriving in Beirut, would have been immediately struck by the
bombardment of political imagery, with posters, flags and signs
depicting current leaders, martyred heroes and evocative slogans
dominating the cityscape.
Yet the literal political landscape of Beirut has now changed,
albeit only temporarily. Following an agreement earlier this month,
which saw consultations between Amal, Hezbollah and the Future Movement
amongst others, it was agreed that the posters, party flags and
portraits would be removed from first Beirut, and then the rest of
Lebanon.
The images were certainly attention grabbing, but in a country where
identity and ownership of the state is fiercely contested and communal
tensions are always threatening to boil over, they are highly
provocative and play a role in creating violent flashpoints.
Of late there have been two such flashpoints, with Amal and Future
Movement supporters clashing violently in Ras al-Nabaa earlier this
month whilst erecting posters. Although order was restored before life
was lost, it is clear that tensions between these two communities
remain.
More recently, two men lost their lives as members of Marada and the
Lebanese Forces fought over posters in the province of Koura. These
events prompted renewed efforts to facilitate the taking down of
posters in Beirut, although it is apparent to all concerned that the
spring 2009 elections will see these posters going straight back up
again.
Clashes over political posters have not been uncommon, and while
they clearly have their genesis in something far deeper, it is worth
thinking about the role of religious and political imagery in the
ongoing problems in Lebanon today.
Establishing identity in a state where it is contested is hugely
important. Looking at another internal conflict involving split
communities, many people view the immediate catalyst for the start of
The Troubles in Northern Ireland as being unrest and rioting stemming
from unionist demands that a republican activist take down his Irish
flag.
The use of advertisements, posters and flags by all sides of the
political spectrum in Lebanon is, in some ways, reminiscent of Northern
Ireland where flags and murals played a major part in establishing
territory and demonstrating identity.
The catholic (republican) murals of the Falls Road and those of the
Protestants (unionists) in areas such as the Shankhill demonstrated
ownership of public space, informing both the immediate enemy and the
ruling state (the UK) where control lay. The use of the murals helped
to mark out territory and beyond this, create a highly intimidating and
oppressive atmosphere to any outsiders entering the area.
This is an idea that can be applied to Lebanon. One is left in no
doubt when in the Dahiya or areas such as the Bekaa Valley who has
overall control over the land. Hezbollah and Amal symbols dominate the
landscape and clearly define territory and ownership.
Equally,
both Christian and Muslim areas are very well sign posted by religious
imagery, as well as photographs of political and religious leaders.
This imagery serves to differentiate the community from that of other
sects and helps make the issue of sectarian politics even more
omnipresent. Moreover, this kind of imagery is far more ingrained in
Lebanese culture then the posters, and so requires treatment other then
army-assisted removal.
The political imagery that we have been able to find all across Lebanon
and Beirut plays is comparable to the role of murals in Northern
Ireland in physically dividing communities. Whilst some Lebanese are
open-minded and willing to explore Beirut and Lebanon beyond their
immediate locale, many others know little of even neighboring
communities where their religious beliefs are not shared.
Of those who have taken the opportunity to go outside the confines
of their natural habitat, some complain of feeling out of place – as if
they are in another Lebanon. It is true that the imagery used in
Lebanon is nothing like as terrifying as that used in Northern Ireland,
but it does have the effect of making ordinary people very much aware
of their environment and the political beliefs of the people around
them.
As has been noted by many writers, the role of history and
historical grievance in civil wars is immense. The warring factions of
Northern Ireland used their murals as historical propaganda-
memorializing and immortalizing martyrs to the cause and keeping the
memory of past conflict alive.
It is much the same in Lebanon. The images of Bachir Gemayel, Musa
Sadr and even Rafik Hariri, amongst many others, reflect an
unwillingness to break with past events. Such posters are designed to
immortalize their subjects – providing people with heroes whose
glorious deaths mean their reputation cannot be tarnished or
questioned.
Yet, they play a role in ensuring that the present is trapped by the
past. They provide continued reminders and ensure that old wounds are
not healed.
Finally, it is worth mentioning a recent advertising campaign by the
Lebanese Forces. The ads, which appeared all over Christian areas, used
varyingly, the image of Bachir Gemayel and that of the Mother Mary. A
cedar tree encircled in a red line, with a tag assuring people that the
LF was their ‘red line’, accompanied these images.
The use of Gemayal suggests that the LF are, despite Geagea’s recent
apology, still operating in a civil war mindset and one might ask who
exactly is included inside this red line – and who exactly is included
in the LF’s view of Lebanon?
This advert nicely sums up the purpose of political imagery in
Lebanon. It demarcates territory, provides a historical narrative and
very often offers a narrow version of Lebanese identity. Taking down
these deeply divisive posters is a small step in the right direction.
It is now up to the parties and politicians they represent to move the
process forward and at the very least allow the parliamentary elections
to go ahead peacefully, despite the likely return of the posters.
Source:Yalibnan
