Lebanese leaders bear a responsibility to restore stability

By Lara Alameh

Upon gaining confidence in the Lebanese Parliament,
the current government decided to form a special commission of experts
to study, design and propose a new electoral law. Eight months later,
the electoral commission submitted a law proposal to the government,
which failed to adopt or even officially discuss it. The inability, or
perhaps the lack of political will, to pass a more representative
electoral law in Lebanon is hindering any possibility for a political
system that allows inclusiveness, accountability and peaceful
alternation of power.

This
predicament defies Lebanon’s liberal political traditions in a sea of
authoritarian regimes, which challenges the notion that Israel is the
only democracy in the Middle East.
However, this ideal is quickly losing its allure amid the
post-Independence Intifada environment, otherwise known as the “Cedar
Revolution.”

Two years after the Cedar Revolution and almost a year after the war with Israel, the Lebanese
are dangerously polarized and these divisions have led to a total
political stalemate in the country. This standstill is most reflected
in Cabinet where opposition ministers, including all those representing
Shiites, resigned. Constitutionally, the Cabinet is no longer
representative, since it is supposed to be a microcosm of all
confessions and factions. The conditionality of total representation
gives every confession the right to veto any decision it deems against
its interests. This is especially true if the representatives claim to
hold a monopoly of representing a whole confessional group, which is
the case of Hizbullah and its allies. As a result, it becomes much
easier to block than facilitate any decision, and it becomes impossible
to govern when all parties have equal power to block the whole system.
In a system where uncompromising alliances are forced to share power,
it is unrealistic to assume that all interests can be represented in
the executive.

This standoff
was further escalated when the opposition insisted that their political
demands be met by sending their supporters to the streets in sit-ins,
demonstrations and camps. Although with much less momentum, the sit-ins
and camps remain in Beirut’s city center, halting its vibrant economic
life.

With a government whose
legitimacy is compromised, a Parliament that has not convened since
before the summer war with Israel, and a president boycotted by most
political parties and the international community due to his
unconstitutional term extension, it is fair to say most political
institutions are paralyzed.

A
reformed electoral law, which will fairly represent citizens,
confessions and regions, would allow the establishment of majorities
and minorities that can alternate power and that can form coherent
cross-confessional coalitions. Eventually, such a law will help
transcend sectarian allegiances and allow the growth of national
political parties that challenge the traditional and personality based
leaderships by creating platforms that respond to citizen concerns and
broad national development needs. The electoral reforms proposed by the
Electoral Commission
in the spring of 2006 to the premier included a mixed system of small
districts with majoritarian representation, and medium districts with
proportional representation. Also, the proposed reforms feature
relatively progressive measures such as allowing the diaspora to vote,
increasing the representation of women through a quota, empowering
youth by lowering the voting age from 21 to 18 and increasing
accessibility of voting centers to the physically challenged.
http://www.dailystar.com.lb

These
reforms could restore Lebanon’s democratic institutions by preventing
any party or leader from monopolizing leadership over any confession.
An example Parliament, where the injection of new blood and more
equitable representation will help rebuild its place as the center for
national debate. A functioning Parliament that can help articulate the
concerns of a majority of citizens will go a long way in helping to
quell the current rise of chaos and hostilities in the streets.

Enhancing
citizen participation and boosting the role of civil society will
increase accountability, which will help pave the ground for
comprehensive institutional reforms. Strengthening the independence and
oversight responsibilities of the legislative branch will improve
accountability over the executive and reduce corruption and
mismanagement of public resources. This is an important dimension to
highlight as it has been customary in Lebanese politics for political
deadlocks to be resolved through corruption or foreign intervention.

The
Lebanese democratic institutions’ ability to formulate national
priorities also has wider implications for the future of the Middle
East, since Lebanon historically has been and still is a microcosm of
the balance of power in the region. Rather than focus on political
benchmarks like transparency, freedom of information and expression
that will strengthen Lebanon’s political institutions, the
international community is sustaining the traditional sectarian feudal
leadership model as proxies in their geo-political struggle.

However,
that is not to say that external factors alone are responsible for
Lebanon’s ailments. Lebanese leaders must also realize they too
shoulder the responsibility for securing their nation’s stability and
their citizens’ livelihoods. If not, the impact could be detrimental to
Lebanon’s independence and could seriously hinder Lebanon’s ability to
move beyond ceremonial pledges to more substantive commitments from
strategic bilateral and multilateral partners.

Source:Daily Star

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